Smolensk Crash Timeline
1. April 9, 2009 - Polish MON [Pol. abbr. Ministry of National Defense - Ministerstwo Obrony Narodowej] signs a contract concerning the repairs and renovation of two Polish Tu-154 planes. A consortium of MAW Telecom and Polit Elktronik firms wins the tender worth more than 69 million zloty. The second one of these companies isn't even registered with the CSR, and thus, should have been automatically disqualified from bidding.
For reasons that are impossible to explain, the offers made by other bidders are rejected; among those, are Metalexport-S, and the government-owned Bumar enterprise.
As reported by the Air Agency "Altair", the MON chose a contractor without any analysis of other bid proposals.
The owner of the [Aviakor, (Rus. Авиако́р)] Samara repair plant chosen by the consortium is Oleg Deripaska [Rus. Оле́г Влади́мирович Дерипа́ска], who was investigated by the Western prosecutors on suspicion of money laundering and contacts with the "Russian Mafia" and who had his visa to the US revoked from 2006-2009. The Tupolev's engines, on the other hand, are overhauled in the factories managed by Sergey Chemezov [Sergey Viktorovich Chemezov, Rus. Серге́й Ви́кторович Чемезов], a former KGB agent, who form 1983 to 1988 worked undercover in Drezden. He lives next door to the current Prime Minister of Russia - Vladimir Putin. None of the Polish special services representatives were present during the critical engines' overhaul.
2. April 2009 - During a TV interview for Gazeta.pl, Janusz Palikot, then a deputy PO states: "In the event that Lech Kaczyński is unable to fulfill his duties until the end of his term, someone must be found, who is [perceived to be] playing outside of the playing field [...] Because of the constitutional role played by the Marshal [Bronisław] Komorowski, who is designated as a person who in the event of the death of the president is to take over the Polish presidency, it is prudent that it isn't perceived as a play, but as the Marshal's [legitimate] constitutional right [and duty]."
3. May 2009 - In the interview with RMF FM, Bronisław Komorowski states: "I do not pretend to be a seer or prophet [...] Coming presidential elections, the president [Lech Kaczyński] will be flying somewhere and it will all change" [See the video excerpt of Bronisław Komorowski's interview here]
4. Summer 2009 - ABW [Pol. abbr. Agencja Bezpieczeństwa Wewnętrznego - Internal Security Agency] develops a detailed analysis concerning a hypothetical event resulting in the simultaneous deaths of the highest ranking Polish army commanders, the president of the Republic of Poland, as well as other important government office holders; it analyses various scenarios under which the power would be seized and/or transferred.
5. September 1, 2009 - Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk and Russian President Vladimir Putin meet secretly in Sopot, Poland. Remarkably, even though the planned meeting was scheduled to take place at the Sheraton hotel in Sopot, they meet, eye-to-eye, at the famous Sopot's pier. According to the Donald Tusk's government spokesman, Paweł Graś, they discussed, among other things, the Polish-Russian joint Katyn Massacre ceremonies.
6. September 2009 - a coordinated cyber-attack against Polish government centers takes place. According to the "Rzeczpospolita" newspaper article, the attack against Polish government institutions originated from the territory of the Russian Federation.
7. The end of September 2009 - The office of then Marshal of Sejm, Bronisław Komorowski, distributes the MAW Telecom advertising materials to the Polish parliamentarians. The MAW Telecom is a part of the consortium that won the tender for the renovation of the Polish Tupolevs. [See above]
8. December 23, 2009 - The first of the two Tupolev Tu-154 Polish government airplanes renovated in Samara, baring the tail number 101, lands in Warsaw. On the same day, Grzegorz Michniewicz, Prime Minister Tusk's Director of Chancellery is found dead. Michniewicz held the highest security clearances issued by both NATO and the European Union, and had access to almost all of the Prime Minister Donald Tusk's documents - including those deemed top - secret. According to the prosecutors investigating his alleged suicide, Michniewicz didn't leave behind any farewell letter or suicide note. The last person who saw him alive was no other than Tomasz Arabski, the head of the Prime Minister's Chancellery. The prosecutors' files obtained by Gazeta Polska, read: "According to the testimony of a number of witnesses, it is clear that Grzegorz Michniewicz had carefully planned the next several days. On December 23, 2009, he was planning to travel to Białogard, where he was to spend Christmas with his wife and children. All of his activities conducted during the recent days, as well as careful preparation of his activities for the immediate future, indicated, that he intended to go through with these plans. It is indicated by, among other things, his request for a vacation time - purchasing the [Christmas] presents, or undertaking, on the evening of December 22nd, the preparations for his upcoming trip. The decision to commit suicide would have had to have made hastily, and in spur of a moment."
9. January 2010 - Donald Tusk, a sure favorite in the upcoming presidential elections, suddenly withdraws his candidacy. He explains it with his desire to remain at the post of the Prime Minister, citing meager powers available to the president. Commenting on Tusk's decisions, on March 31, 2010, Zyta Gilowska, former Deputy Prime Minister of Poland said: "This charade [...] has a hidden component, [and there is ] some sort of mystery [to it]."
10. February 3, 2010 - Russian Interfax agency reports: "Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin has invited Prime Minister Tusk to take part in a joint ceremony to commemorate the Katyn [Massacre] victims." The Chancellery of Prime Minister Tusk was informed that the invitation to the ceremony was extended during a telephone conversation. The invitation was a Russian initiative, and was to take place in the first half of April 2010. Conspicuously, Putin didn't invite the President Lech Kaczynski.
11. February 14, 2010 - The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs [led by "Radek" (Radosław) Sikorski] re-employs a certain Tomasz Turowski , who is immediately appointed the office of the Minister Plenipotentiary at the Polish Embassy in Moscow. Turowski is given a task of preparing visits of the Prime Mnister Tusk and President Kaczynski [at this point already separated]. IPN [Pol. abbr. Institute of National Remembrance] ascertained that during the period between 1979 and 1985, Turowski was an agent of an elite, deep-cover "Illegals" Division XIV, Department I, of the Polish Communist intelligence services, that shared its handiwork with the Soviet intelligence services. "Nasz Dziennik" revealed that, because of his contacts with Russian intelligence officer, Grigorii Yakimshy, during the 1990s, Turowski was investigated by the Urząd Ochrony Państwa [eng. Office for State Protection]. [In 2011, Russian agents detained "Nasz Dziennik's" journalists while they were investigating the crash of Flight PLF 101] 
12. Vladimir Grinin [Rus. Владимир Михайлович Гринин], Russian ambassador to Poland, lied about not receiving the letter sent to him on January 27, 2010 by Mariusz Handzlik , Undersecretary of State in the Chancellery of the President [Lech Kaczynski]. This letter informed Grinin, that in April  Lech Kaczynski plans to pay homage to the murdered Polish officers in Katyn.
We can discern that Grinin carried out orders received directly from Vladimir Putin. They knew each other since the second-half of 1980s, when Putin was a KGB agent in East-German Dresden, and Grinin headed the Soviet embassy in the GDR.
Immediately after the crash [of the Polish presidential plane], Grinin is "promoted", and becomes the Russian ambassador in Germany.
13. March 17, 2010 - The Head of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister Tusk, Minister Tomasz Arabski travels to Moscow. This is his second visit there. According to "Gazeta Polska", his first visit took place in January 2010. An account given by a member of the Bureau for Government Security (abr. BOR - Biuro Ochrony Rządu), who was accompanying him, tells us that a meeting takes place, of all places, in one of the Moscow's restaurants. What is even more perplexing is the fact that his is accompanied neither by the members of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, nor the Polish Embassy staff in Moscow. On the same day, Arabski meets with Yuri Ushakov [Yuri Viktorovich Ushakov, Rus. Юрий Викторович Ушаков], Deputy Head of Putin's Chancellery. It is uncertain whether the conversation took place at the restaurant, or at some other place.
14. March 2010 - Representatives of the Office of the President of the Republic of Poland are prohibited from inspecting the conditions at the Smolensk airfield. The preparatory visit that was to take place between March 3 - 5, 2010, both in Katyn and Moscow, is cancelled at the last minute. The planned follow-up visit to Smolensk on March 10, by another exploratory group, is declared by the Russians to be unnecessary. On March 19th, Mariusz Handzlik, a Minister in the Chancellery of President of the Republic of Poland, was scheduled to travel to Moscow. However, on March 16, the ambassador Jerzy Bahr dispatches correspondence that, because of the visit of the [Tusk] government's delegation, led by Minister Tomasz Arabski to Moscow, it is impossible.
Throughout this time, the Presidential Chancellery signals its concerns related to the conditions at the Smolensk airfield.
15. April 5, 2010 - The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs servers go offline. Work of the Ministry, headed by Radosław ["Radek"] Sikorski, is paralyzed for many hours.
As it turns out, the state-of-the-art building, a so-called "Szpiegowiec" [eng. "The Spook"] housing the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and hosting severs containing top-secret data, looses its external power supply. "I've worked at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for many years, and can't remember anything like that ever happening before" - one of the diplomats tells the "Polityka" weekly on April 6, 2010.
16. April 7, 2010 -The internet portals of the Government Group for Reacting to Network Incidents [Pol. Rządowy Zespół Reagowania Na Incydenty Komputerowe] cert.gov.pl, issues a notice about a possible cyber attacks directed at employees of the public administration institutions in Poland. On April 9th, Polish TVN TV network reports a "massive" outage of telecommunication network that paralyzed Poland's largest state bank, the PKO BP.
17. Minister [Bogdan] Klich  issues permission to Poland's highest-ranking military officers to participate in the flight to Smolensk, and indicates that he himself is "also planning to take part in the trip." Few days later, however, he decides not to fly with the delegation.
18. MON doesn't assign any Military Gendarmerie [MG] security detail to the generals of thePolish Armed Forces flying to Katyn. Not a single MG soldier flew to Katyn, even though, such security detail is to be assigned to the generals by law.
19. One day before the flight to Smolensk, the Russians withdraw their permission to allow members of BOR [Lech Kaczynski's security detail] to carry side-arms with them.
Before the Tragedy
20. Before the flight departure, its organizers in Poland do not designate secondary landing airports, or secondary/reserve aircraft, although it is required because of the "HEAD"  status of the upcoming flight.
21. The Polish TU-154M "101" flight crew receives faulty and misleading flight instructions form the Russians regarding the approach to the Smolensk-Severny airfield.
22. The TU-154M "101" is to land from the easterly direction, known for ravines and trees - these obstacles are not present at the western side of the airfield [customarily used to land aircraft at this airfield]. As it turned out, the navigation systems guiding the planes from the westerly direction at the Smolensk-Severny airfield, was dismantled in the Fall 2009.
23. Surprisingly, and contrary to the meteorogical forecasts, a thick and unexplained fog appeared near Smolensk-Severny, and had intensified shortly prior to the crash; it began to dissipate, and disappeared almost entirely within one hour of the crash.
24. In violation of [Russian] flight regulations, concerning minimum landing conditions (i.e the presence of fog), the flight controllers in Smolensk, neither wave the aircraft off, nor close the airfield; all that, despite the difficult and worsening weather conditions presenting an imminent danger to the approaching aircraft.
25. The crew of the aircraft is erroneously informed about its position "on course, and on path", while in fact, the plane is both outside of the approach path, and had veered off course.
26. Despite the fact that the flight controller makes number of requests to redirect the Polish aircraft to an auxiliary airfield, Colonel Krasnokutski orders him to direct the Polish crew to descent to 100 meters: "Bring them down to 100 meters, 100 meters, end of the conversation" - he says.
27. A Russian Federation AWACS IL-76  aircraft appears and then disappears in the vicinity of Smolensk-Severny airfield shortly before the plane carrying President of Poland attempts its ill-fated "look and see" approach.
28. Starting at 4 minutes before the tragedy, an unexplained silence in the over-the-air communications between the tower and Polish crew takes place. The only commands heard are: "You are on course and on approach path", and "Horizon 101". Polish [air traffic] controllers who commented on this state of affairs noted, that it is a pure absurd and impossible to believe, since the directions "on course and on approach path" cannot be issued without earlier corrections regarding the aircraft position. It indicates a high probability that the transcripts were purposefully falsified. [Translator's note: the original black boxes were never returned to Poland]
29. When the aircraft is at the height of 15 meters above the ground, the power supply to the main onboard FMS and flight recorders goes dead. At that point the Polish TU-154M is approximately 60 to 70 meters away from its first contact with the ground.
30. There isn't a single BOR officer present on the ground to protect the presidential delegation as its flight approaches the Smolensk airfield. No vehicles are present to transport either the presidential delegation, or the awaiting journalists.
31. At 5:57 a.m., on April 10, 2010, that is approximately 2.5 hours before the crash, the official Polish Television TVP on-line service, TVP.Info, releases an appeal entitled "Let us unite during these difficult times" [Pol. "W tech trudnych dniach badzmy razem"], by soon to be the new president of Poland, Bronislaw Komorowski. The aircraft carrying the President of Poland Lech Kaczynski, and 95 others, will crash approximately two-and-a-half hours later, at 8:41 A.M. See the subsequent published server time manipulations to lineup the time of the crash with the release of this appeal here ...
After the Crash
32. An aircraft falling to the ground from the height of dozen or so meters is said to disintegrate completely, and along with it, its 96 passengers - breaking into thousands of pieces.
33. Immediately after the crash, the Russians began their campaign of slander against the Polish pilots, stating that they were landing against the advice of the Smolensk's flight controllers, even though their own reports indicate they were advised that they were "on course and on landing path".[See "Polish pilots cleared from any wrongdoing" here ...]
34. Within several hours of the crash, the Russian military and police personnel on the ground change the bulbs in the landing navigation lights and reflectors indicating the position of the runway.
35. Within hours of the tragedy, the Russians summarily excluded the possibility of an assassination attempt.
36. Shortly after the disaster, some of the Polish mainstream media began to promote opinions of a selected group of "experts" who claim that the tragedy was the fault of the pilots. This thesis is subsequently repeated in the reports of Tatiana Anodina (head of the Russian MAK, Rus. Межгосударственный Aвиационный Kомитет, eng. abbr. IAC), and Poland's Jerzy Miller Commission. According to General Petelicki, on April 10, 2010, the members of the PO (Pol. Platforma Obywatelska, Eng. Civic Platform, the political party opposing Lech Kaczynski's PiS, Pol. Prawo i Sprawiedliwosc; Eng. Law and Justice) received SMS messages originated from the immediate circles of the Prime Minister Donald Tusk on their telephones. This message said: "The crash was caused by the pilots, who in fog, descended below 100 meters. The only thing to ascertain is who pressured them to do that." [See "Smolensk Plane Crash Disinformation Campaign" here...]
37. The government of Donald Tusk and his Prosecutor's Office forgo any assistance of the best medical forensic doctors, anthropologists and geneticists, including Dr. Barbara Swiatek, PhD, the nation's leading genetic scientist whose assistance is never sought. Already in the afternoon of April 10, 2010, these scientists stood by at a ready to travel to Smolensk; they also send letters to both the government and the prosecutor's office offering their assistance.
38. According to the Russians, before it fell to the ground, the Polish TU-154 cut through high-voltage lines on its approach to the airfield. This opinion isn't supported by either the flight trajectory, or the reconstruction of the plane position in time, when allegedly at 8:39 the line was cut; the aircraft was several hundred meters above the ground. The high-voltage line(s) around the Smolensk airfield were said to have been supplying the electricity to the radio-locator.
39. After the crash, the Russians cover the crash site with sand, and concrete slabs. Without consulting with their Polish counterparts, they cut down surrounding trees and bushes that were allegedly cut by the TU-154; this, in turn, later prevents direct validation or invalidation of the officially stated flight trajectory.
40. The discrepancies surrounding the time of the tragedy begin to emerge. At first - for two weeks after the crash - 8:56 a.m. is given as the time of the crash. After the time of the mysterious power-line failure is accidentally released, the Russians change the time of the crash to 8:41, Polish time.
41. Already, the day following the crash, the Russians begin to demolish the wreckage by cutting it with power-saws, [crashing it with bulldozers], and breaking the aircraft windows with crowbars. [See the destruction of evidence video here ... Also see testimony of Major Robert Trela, ret., Explosives Expert, former BOR officer here ... ]
42. April 29, 2010 - Minister of Health in Tusk's government, Ewa Kopacz makes the statement [to the Polish Parliament]: "During the first hours [after my arrival to Russia], and with great attentiveness, I observed the work of our coroners. These first hours were not easy, and you, ladies and gentlemen, must know that. For a moment, our Polish doctors were treated as mere observes of what was taking place. It [this situation] spans maybe a dozen minutes, and after that, when they put on their gowns, and stood by and worked side by side with the Russian doctors, they didn't have to say much to each other."
43. In August 2010, during an interview with "Gazeta Wyborcza", Colonel Zbigniew Rzepa from the Military Prosecutor's Office, reveals that [Kopacz's statement] was an outright lie. Neither the Polish coroners, nor the investigators participated in the autopsies. [See: Dorota Gosiewska's interview here ...]
44. The wreckage of the Tu-154 "101" is left unprotected from the elements by the Russians for many, many months.
45. Under the pressure form the Russians, Prime Minister Tusk abandons pursuing the 1993 agreement [concerning air crashes] which is favorable to the Poles, and enters into a secret and never published agreement with Prime Minister Vladimir Putin. Under this agreement, a directive issued on April 13, 2010 by Prime Minister Vladimir Putin assigns the crash investigation and coordination of all domestic and international activities related to the crash, to the Interstate Aviation Committee [Russ. abbr. MAK, Interstate Aviation Committee, abbr. IAC] led by Tatiana Anodina. It adopts the Chicago Convention as the legal basis of the investigation, despite the fact, that it applies to civil, and not governmental /military air crash disasters.
46. It appears that as early as January 2011, even these Chicago Convention directives, however unfavorable to Poland, do not provide a semblance a credible legal foundation for the conduct of joint Polish-Russian collaboration to investigate the causes of the Smolensk disaster. Hence, in the final MAK report we read: "On the basis of this directive, the investigation ought to be conducted in accordance with the Annex 13 to the Convention on International Civil Aviation (hereinafter referred to Appendix 13). The government of the Republic of Poland approved this decision. Therefore, this cooperation wasn't based on the [Chicago] Convention itself, rather on the Annex 13." This means that Poland may not apply for any appeal instrument(s) set forth by the Convention, and consequently must accept the final MAK report.
47. The Russians hide the fact that flight Captain of the TU-154, Arkadiusz Protasiuk - by the book, and as prescribed by his training - at the altitude of 100 meters, discontinues the "look and see" descent, aborts, and maneuvers the aircraft for another fly-by. Capt. Protasiuk says: "We are aborting" and his Co-Pilot Major Robert Grzywna repeats his order. This confirms that the crew of the TU-154M didn't attempt to land at all.
The Russian "experts" also erroneously "interpreted" other statements allegedly made in the cockpit. According to the findings of Polish commission investigating the causes of the crash, such words as "He'll get pissed off, if . (unintelligible) . one mile to the landing strip" - allowed MAK to implicate the late Lech Kaczynski for the crash. In reality, the words spoken in the cockpit were: "Confirm, there is still one more mile to line up [with the landing strip]".
48. Poland [the government of Donald Tusk] left the key evidence in the investigation in the Russian hands. This includes: black boxes, the plane wreckage, autopsies of victims, remains of the aircraft, etc.
49. For over eighteen months, the Polish military prosecutor's office refuses to allow the families of the victims to exhume the remains of their loved ones.
50. For reasons unknown to this day, the K3-63 recorder registering vital flight parameters such as time, barometric altitude, air speed, and vertical forces, has not been located. This recording device is much larger in size than other flight recorders, including the ATM. It was located under the passengers' cabin, and was protected by an armored enclosure.
51. Incongruously, during the transfer of the content of the black boxes to be digitized, there was an electrical failure, and as a result, 16 seconds of the original recordings were lost. Minister Miller made a special trip to Moscow to obtain these recordings.
52. The Russians refuse to turn over the original black boxes to the Polish investigators, despite the fact, that they are the property of the Polish government. Similarly, they refuse to make the originals available for the analysis in Poland.
53. The Russians refuse to turn over the remains of the aircraft.
54. The Russians refuse to turn over results of the analysis of the black box recordings conducted in Moscow in the presence of Polish experts from the Institute of Court Forensics in Krakow. Earlier, and for 10 months, they withhold investigation documentation prepared by the Polish archeologists in Smolensk.
55. The Russians announce that the video recording of the Smolensk control tower that registered activities of both the controllers and Colonel Krasnokutski, was not preserved. Read: It no longer exists.
56. In the summer of 2010, using dubious excuses, the Russians once again interview the flight controllers. The result of these new [and "improved"] interviews is much more favorable for the Russians. The Polish Prosecutor's Office accepts these new interviews, and nulls and voids their previous testimony. "This is shocking" - states interviewed by the "Rzeczpospolita" newspaper Dr. Piotr Kruszynski, an esteemed Polish criminal law expert.
57. Missing from the documentation sent to Poland by the Russians is photographic evidence of the crash site immediately after the disaster, documenting the "fluid" and changing location of the wreckage remains. Similarly, missing is the documentation of the test flight in and around the airfield, both before, and after the crash on April 10th.
58. The Miller's Commission fails to conduct and or prescribe a scientific study that would prove that the TU-154 wing could or couldn't have separated from the aircraft because of the collision with the birch tree previously noted. In September 2011, a NASA expert, and world-renowned authority on aerodynamics, and computational fluid dynamics, Dr. Wieslaw Binienda, PhD, conducts a scientific experiment refuting the theories promoted by the Miller Commission's experts.
59. For eighteen months, the Polish government agencies, including its special services, hide satellite photos of the crash site. These satellite photos taken on April 10, 2010 by the United States services, were provided to the Polish government shortly after the crash.
60. Polish government commission led by [Jerzy] Miller prepares its final report on the cause of the crash and, though never with access to key evidence, shifts the blame to the Polish armed forces, including the pilots, who sat at the controls of the TU-154M.
61. To this day, the Russians have not handed over to Poland the results of their ballistic or pyrotechnic investigations, if any; [nor even indicate if they exist].
62. To this day, the Russian side has not revealed the identity of the mysterious General Vladimir Ivanovitch, to whom Col. Krasnokutsky reported on the situation at the airfield until the crash. [Since then, we've ascertained that "Vladimir Ivanovitch" is Major General Vladimir Benediktov].
Promotions, Awards, And Dismissals
63. November 11, 2010 - On the occasion of Polish Independence Day, Col. Krzysztof Bondyrak is promoted to the rank of general brigadier. On April 10, 2010, Bondyrak headed the Agencja Bezpieczenstwa Wewnetrznego (eng. Agency for Internal Security).
64. September 11, 2010 - Col. Janusz Nosek is promoted to the rank of brigadier general. On April 10, 2010 Nosek headed the Polish Military Counterintelligence services.
65. September 11, 2010 - Col. Krzysztof Parulski is promoted to the rank of brigadier general. On April 10, 2010, Parulski held the post of the Chief Military Prosecutor, and Deputy Prosecutor General.
66. September 16, 2010 - On the occasion of the Foreign Service Day, Jerzy Bahr is decorated with the Commanders Cross of the Rebirth of Poland with Stars. On April 10, 2010, Bahr was Poland’s ambassador in Moscow.
67. September 16, 2010 - Head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Radosław “Radek” Sikorski, decorates the Chief of BOR, General Marian Janicki with “Odznaka Honorowa” “Bene Merito” (“Distinguished Service”) - an honorable, honorary distinction awarded by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for “strengthening Poland’s international position on the international stage.”
68. November 16, 2010 - The Chief Military Prosecutor, General Krzysztof Parulski, suspends Marek Pasionek, one of the two prosecutors conducting the Smolensk investigation. Pasionek’s “crime” is that he had turned to the United States for assistance in obtaining materials that could be useful in the investigation. Pasionek supported the idea of bringing formal charges [i.e. the charge of treason, etc.] against Minister Bogdan Klich, and Chief of the Premier Tusk’s Chancellery, Tomasz Arabski.
69. June 16, 2011 - after the Holliday of Bureau of Government Security (BOR), the head of BOR, Brigadier General Marian Janicki, is promoted to the rank of Divisional General.
Written by: Leszek Misiak, Grzegorz Wierzchołowski for GazetaPolska.pl
Translated by Jola D.
The translation of this original Polish language text is published here under the Greater Public Good Doctrine.
 Tomasz Turowski - Based on the information obtained by "Gazeta Polska", until 2007, Turowski also worked for the intelligence services of the III RP [III-rd Republic of Poland - present Tusk/Komorowski government]. The Prosecuting Attorney of the Institute of National Remembrance requested documents from the Polish Social Security Office, abr. ZUS, concerning Turowski. In the letter from ZUS, the place of Turowski's employment was listed as Ministry of Internal Affairs, and after 1989, Bureau of Internal Security, and Agencja Wywiadu, eng. Intelligence Agency. Based on this document, and despite his deplorable past, Turowski managed to to reach the rank of a Colonel in the "free Poland", and was allowed to successfully climb the ladder. He was the second in charge of one of the departments, and presently receives a very high pension. Apparently Turowski didn't expect that his Communist spy's past will be exposed. Earlier, he had to be certain that his paper-work was either destroyed or is in a safe location. He was so bold, as to even approach the IPN to receive the status of a victim of communist repressions - says Piotr Jeglinski, former member of anticommunist opposition and a "Samizdat" publisher. It has to be emphasized that during his work for the Communist regime, Turowski spied on clergy, the closest circles of [Pope] John Paul II, most likely the Holy Father himself, as well as members of the democratic opposition. To this day it is unknown how many people lost their lives or freedom as a result of Turowski's handiwork.
 See, European Parliament: "Detention of Polish Journalists in Russia" - "Between 1 and 9 February 2011, Piotr Falkowski and Marek Borawski, two Polish journalists working for the Nasz Dziennik newspaper, were in the Russian Federation gathering information on the air disaster that occurred near Smolensk on 10 April 2010. The President of Poland, his wife and 94 others, including people in high office, were killed in the plane crash. The exceptional nature of this tragedy and the circumstances surrounding it means that it is still the subject of intense public interest in Poland.
Whilst carrying out their duties as journalists, the Nasz Dziennik reporters were arrested by the Russian police, and their equipment (laptops, cameras, memory cards, hard disks, mobile phones — including their own private ones) were seized. They were subjected to exhaustive body searches, their luggage was searched and their passports were confiscated. They were interrogated a number of times but were refused access to an interpreter. They were not even allowed to change their ticket reservations.
The official reason given for the action taken by the police was the fear that the journalists were in possession of information that was illegal to obtain and take outside the Russian Federation. Nevertheless, they were not actually charged with any specific offence.
The action taken against the journalists constitutes a breach of the principle of freedom of speech. The seizure of their equipment could actually result in a breach of a journalist’s right not to reveal their sources, which could represent a real threat to those sources if personal data were recovered."
 Mariusz Handzlik (June 11, 1965 - April 10, 2010, Smolensk, Russia) was a Polish diplomat, the Undersecretary of State in the Office of the President of the Republic of Poland, Lech Kaczynski, and since October, 2008 in charge of foreign policy.
 Bogdan Adam Klich - Polish politician and Minister of National Defence of Poland in Donald Tusk's government.
 "STS/HEAD" Flight Status: President, Prime-Minister, or Marshal of the Sejm onboard
 AWAC - "Airborne Warning and Control System" - carry out surveillance, including over ground targets and frequently perform C2BM (command and control, battle management) functions similar to an Airport Traffic Controller given military command over other forces.